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Opinion

Santana Gold Mine: A $180 Million Tax on Doing Business

Simon Court (left) and Duncan Garner, editor in chief (right), are shown with a building in the background, featuring text "SIMON COURT ON MINING CONSENTS".

Published by Duncan Garner

24 Apr 2026

Stop calling it consultation. That's not what this is.

When a mining company sits in an airport meeting room and walks out facing a $180 million bill just to get cultural sign-off, we need to be honest about what's happening. This isn't about protecting the environment. It isn't about meaningful partnership. It's a standover. It's rent-seeking. And it's strangling investment in New Zealand.

Santana Minerals has discovered up to $10 billion worth of gold in Central Otago. The price has doubled since they first found it. We're talking 400 jobs averaging $140,000 each. Over a billion dollars in tax and royalties for the government. Real economic growth that could supercharge the region. But the final hurdle isn't environmental standards or planning law. It's how much money local iwi want to let this go ahead.

The price of a green light

ACT MP Simon Court has seen the documents. At a private meeting at Queenstown Airport, iwi representatives pointed to the Meridian case, where the power company paid over $110 million to avoid opposition to water use at an existing dam. Court says Santana was told to consider "something similar" that would benefit Ngāi Tahu. The company worked out that figure sits around $180 million over the mine's lifetime. They were also asked to provide free shares as an alternative.

"When they had to reconsent it, they came to a deal with Ngāi Tahu around environmental monitoring and cultural monitoring, which is worth well over a hundred million dollars," Court explains. This isn't about protecting rivers or managing waste. Those matters have been litigated and agreed countless times under the RMA. This is about who you have to pay to get things across the line.

Court is blunt about the consequences. "In the end it means that Kiwis are going to be either paid less or won't have jobs in some sectors, or are gonna have to make a choice between paying a power bill and going to the supermarket and getting food some months." That Meridian payment didn't come from the company's goodwill fund. It came from our power bills. Every New Zealander paid for it.

A system twisted off course

The uncomfortable truth is that New Zealand has drifted into a space where iwi consultation carries the weight of a de facto veto. Councils have enabled this. They've powered it. The law has been interpreted to give unelected groups final say over projects on private land and public infrastructure. And when that power starts attaching nine-figure price tags, investors notice.

Court has the receipts. "I've got copies of invoices that people have sent me from local iwi and hapu for cultural impact assessments to build a shed on a farm or to build a secondary dwelling on an existing farm for a farm worker or a family member." If you can't build a shed without paying for cultural sign-off, how are we supposed to attract companies willing to invest hundreds of millions?

This isn't just about Santana. It's about every project that doesn't happen because the pathway is clogged with uncertainty and escalating demands. We can have all the fast-track legislation Shane Jones wants, but what's the point if projects still get held up in private rooms at airports?

The law must change

Court and Resource Management Minister Chris Bishop are working to replace the RMA. The goal is to tightly define Māori interests and remove iwi from individual consent processes. "We want to get Māori, iwi and hapu out of individual consents," Court says. Their role should be at the national level, advising on standards and identifying cultural sites on maps, not turning up to shake down companies one project at a time.

The proposed changes would lift iwi involvement up to the planning phase and out of individual approvals. "Whether you want to set up an IKEA or a solar farm or build a shed on your farm, you're not gonna be pointed down the road to go and get a cultural impact assessment and pay somebody for information that is completely unnecessary," Court promises.

This has to pass before the election. If it doesn't, and if there's a change of government, we know what happens next. Labour spent years outsourcing decision-making to co-governance entities. They created Māori wards without asking voters. They embedded this system deeper into local councils. Court is clear about the stakes: "If people elect a government that Labour is involved in, then we will be going back to co-governance and New Zealanders will see their rights diluted very, very quickly."

Who pays for this in the end

The question isn't whether iwi have a stake in these decisions. Of course they do. Cultural, environmental, and historical concerns are valid. But there's a line between recognition and extortion, and we've crossed it. Right now, the system looks messy, inconsistent, and wide open to exploitation.

Every investor watching this from overseas is asking the same thing: is New Zealand open for business, or is it open for negotiation behind closed doors? We can't afford the answer to be the latter. We can't all be Sam Neill making wine in Central Otago. Show me the green jobs that replace 400 mining positions at $140,000 each. Where are they? I'm still waiting.

Court sums it up: "New Zealand can't go ahead. We can't progress as a nation. We can't become wealthier and pay for healthcare and all the other things we need if we're gonna be faced with the threat of veto and what essentially amounts to rent-seeking behaviour enabled by legislation."

He's right. The system must change. Parliament needs to pass these reforms, lock them in, and close the loopholes that turn every major project into a private negotiation with a price tag attached. Because right now, the only thing being mined in those Central Otago hills is investor confidence.

Published by Duncan Garner

24 Apr 2026